Netanyahu backed Obama's delaying of Syria strike, former aide says that dealing with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was like He describes a tense relationship and a lack of trust between Obama and Netanyahu, and Rhodes, the son of an Episcopalian father and a Jewish mother. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with President Obama at the But a good relationship between the two men never developed. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, right, and President Barack Obama At a recent gathering of the Israel Council on Foreign Relations, the eminent Obama's remarkable memoir, “Dreams from My Father,” includes a.President Obama to 'reconsider' Israel relation...
Netanyahu also greatly eased Israel's strict foreign exchange controlsenabling Israelis to take an unrestricted amount of money out of the country, open foreign bank accounts, hold foreign currency, and invest freely in other countries. Throughout his term, Netanyahu was opposed by the political left wing in Israel and lost support from the right because of his concessions to the Palestinians in Hebron and elsewhere, and due to his negotiations with Arafat generally.
Netanyahu lost favor with the Israeli public after a long chain of scandals involving his marriage and corruption charges. Inpolice recommended that Netanyahu be indicted on corruption charges for influence-peddling. He was accused of appointing an attorney general who would reduce the charges and prosecutors ruled that there was insufficient evidence to go to trial.
By law, Barak's resignation was supposed to lead to elections for the prime minister position only. Netanyahu insisted that general elections should be held, claiming that otherwise it would be impossible to have a stable government.
Netanyahu decided eventually not to run for the prime minister position, a move which facilitated the surprising rise to power of Ariel Sharonwho at the time was considered less popular than Netanyahu. Netanyahu was not present at the protest, having remained at Montreal's Ritz-Carlton Hotel throughout the duration.
He later accused the activists of supporting terrorism and "mad zealotry". Some pundits speculated that Sharon made the move because he deemed Netanyahu a political threat given his demonstrated effectiveness as Foreign Minister, and that by placing him in the Finance Ministry during a time of economic uncertainty, he could diminish Netanyahu's popularity. Netanyahu accepted the new appointment. Sharon and Netanyahu came to an agreement that Netanyahu would have complete freedom as Finance Minister and have Sharon back all of his reforms, in exchange for Netanyahu's silence over Sharon's management of Israel's military and foreign affairs.
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Netanyahu claimed that a bloated public sector and excessive regulations were largely responsible for stifling economic growth. His plan involved a move toward more liberalized marketsalthough it was not without its critics.
A host of state assets worth billions of dollars were privatized, including banks, oil refineries, the El Al national airline, and Zim Integrated Shipping Services. The retirement ages for both men and women were raised, and currency exchange laws were further liberalized.
Commercial banks were forced to spin off their long-term savings. In addition, Netanyahu attacked monopolies and cartels to increase competition. As the Israeli economy started booming and unemployment fell significantly, Netanyahu was widely credited by commentators as having performed an 'economic miracle' by the end of his tenure. He later modified the ultimatum and voted for the program in the Knesset, indicating immediately thereafter that he would resign unless a referendum was held within 14 days.
His most recent attempt prior to this was in September when he had tried to hold early primaries for the position of the head of the Likud party, while the party held the office of Prime Minister — thus effectively pushing Ariel Sharon out of office.
Why Obama hates Netanyahu, and vice versa | The Times of Israel
The party rejected this initiative. Specifically, Netanyahu said, "This is not a relaxation, it's an Israeli agreement to the rearming of Hamas What are we getting for this? Opinion polls showed Likud in the lead, but with as many as a third of Israeli voters undecided. A possible explanation for Likud's relatively poor showing is that some Likud supporters defected to Avigdor Lieberman 's Yisrael Beiteinu party.
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Netanyahu, however, claimed victory on the basis that right-wing parties won the majority of the vote, and on 20 FebruaryNetanyahu was designated by Israeli President Shimon Peres to succeed Ehud Olmert as prime minister, and began his negotiations to form a coalition government.
Despite right wing parties winning a majority of 65 seats in the KnessetNetanyahu preferred a broader centrist coalition and turned to his Kadima rivals, chaired by Tzipi Livni, to join his government. This time it was Livni's turn to decline to join, with a difference of opinion on how to pursue the peace process being the stumbling block. Netanyahu did manage to entice a smaller rival, the Labour party, chaired by Ehud Barak, to join his government, giving him a certain amount of centrist tone.
Netanyahu presented his cabinet for a Knesset "Vote of Confidence" on 31 March The 32nd Government was approved that day by a majority of 69 lawmakers to 45 with five abstaining and the members were sworn in. On 14 June, ten days after Obama's Cairo speech, Netanyahu gave a speech at Bar-Ilan University in which he endorsed a "Demilitarized Palestinian State", though said that Jerusalem must remain the unified capital of Israel.
He also argued the right for a "natural growth" in the existing Jewish settlements in the West Bank while their permanent status is up to further negotiation. Senior Palestinian official, Sereb Ereket, said that the speech had "closed the door to permanent status negotiations" due to Netanyahu's declarations on Jerusalem, refugees and settlements.
The prime minister's military secretary, Maj. Meir Kalifi, later reported Netanyahu had visited a security facility in Israel. The announced partial freeze had no significant effect on actual settlement construction, according to an analysis by the major Israeli daily Haaretz. Government that acts such as this thwart the peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians. The Israeli government's announcement occurred during a visit by U.
Vice-President Joe Biden and the U. Mitchell and Mahmoud Abbas at the start of the direct talks2 September In SeptemberNetanyahu agreed to enter direct talksmediated by the Obama administrationwith the Palestinians for the first time in a long while. On 27 September, the month settlement freeze ended, and the Israeli government approved new construction in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Responding, the Likud party defended Netanyahu by saying that most Israelis supported the Prime Minister and that he had broad support in the United States.
President Bill Clinton had privately agreed to release Pollard. Hundreds of thousands of people protested Israel's high cost of living throughout the country.
In response, Netanyahu appointed the Trajtenberg Committeeheaded by professor Manuel Trajtenbergto examine the problems and propose solutions. The annual commemoration recalls for Europeans the final defeat of the bloody ideological excesses of the 20th century, an overcoming of a terrible history — more than anything else, by dint of American power and idealism.
It is hard to think of a more pro-American political narrative than the one experienced and remembered by so many millions of Europeans on that day. The leaders of Europe were all in attendance, from the prime minister of Britain to the presidents of France and Russia. Obama, however, was not.
Obama would travel to Copenhagen a month before the event to lobby the International Olympic Committee to grant the summer games to his hometown of Chicago, and would return to Europe a month after the commemoration to accept the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo. His own life experience, he told the lawmakers, informed his decision to go to Istanbul. I know, because I am one of them.
But Avineri had a point. War may be necessary to contain the spread of Islamic State, for example, but only social reform can really cure it.
Add to this social vision the experience of a consummate outsider — half-white and half-black, with a childhood and a family scattered around the world — and one begins to see the profile of a man with an automatic empathy for the marginalized and an almost instinctive sense that the most significant problems of the world are rooted not in ideology but in oppressive social and economic structures that reinforce marginalization.
This sensibility is broader than any economic orthodoxy, and is rooted in the hard experience of South Chicago. It was precisely on such issues that one needed to enlist the support of citizens as well as leaders. Jerusalem It was this expansive humanitarian vision that led Obama to make his first major strategic mistake when it came to Israel.
Indeed, it was in Israel that his narrative of world affairs first crashed into the unforgiving realities of geopolitics. This insult to the legitimacy of the Jewish polity in Israel, in both rhetoric and travel itinerary, was entirely unintended.
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It took place just a few months before he unwittingly insulted the Germans over the Berlin Wall commemoration. In both cases, the reason was the same: By virtue of its success it was irrelevant to his foreign policy vision. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict seemed to share a great deal with the American social ills he had battled his entire adult life: But geopolitics are not social work. And what is true in Chicago may not be true in Jerusalem. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a fight against social or economic disadvantage, but between national identities.
Even if he wants a peace deal with Israel, as Obama wholeheartedly believes, PA President Mahmoud Abbas must maneuver within the confines of a Palestinian national narrative that rejects the Jewish national cause as irredeemably illegitimate. Abbas cannot simply compromise; he must be seen to win. So the fact that the White House had demanded and obtained an unprecedented settlement freeze from Israel did not prove to Palestinians that Israel was amenable to compromise — but rather that their own leaders were demanding less from the hated occupier than the unabashedly pro-Israel White House.
The White House, a bastion of Zionists by its own admission, had effortlessly extracted a concession no Palestinian leader had ever even demanded. In his very first effort at trust-building between the sides, the Obama White House had disastrously narrowed the domestic political maneuvering room of the Palestinian leadership.
Each time American pressure on Israel grew, the domestic pressure on Palestinian leaders to raise their demands and preconditions grew apace. Social organizing does not grapple with these layers of ideology and identity, with the unforgiving logic of ethnic conflict, and Israelis soon came to believe that Obama could not see them.